in and against care work syllabus

In and Against Care Work Syllabus Anastasia C. Wilson (awilson@hws.edu)

suggestions welcome ❤

download a PDF version

The Limits of the Family 

The Anti Social Family

Family Abolition

Full Surrogacy Now

Capitalism and Care 

Care the Highest Stage of Capitalism

Depletion

Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale 

The Care Crisis

Anti-Work and Care 

The Problem with Work

Women and the Subversion of the Community 

Revolution from Point Zero 

Care In and Against the State 

Women and the Welfare State

Women’s Paid and Unpaid Labor 

Family, Welfare, and the State

The Local State: Management of Cities and People

In and Against the State

In and Against the Care Economy 

Forced to Care 

Feminist Subversion of the Economy 

Care Manifesto

Disability Justice, Mental Health, and Health Autonomy

Care Work: Dreaming of Disability Justice 

A People’s Guide to Abolition and Disability Justice 

For Health Autonomy Carenotes Collective 

Storming Bedlam

Abolition, Social Work, and Care 

Abolition and Social Work

Checkerboard Square  

Torn Apart 

Bibliography 

Barrett, Michèle, and Mary McIntosh. The Anti-Social Family. Second edition. Radical Thinkers. Brooklyn, NY: Verso, 2015.

CareNotes Collective, ed. For Health Autonomy: Horizons of Care beyond Austerity: Reflections from Greece. Brooklyn, NY: Common Notions, 2020.

Cockburn, Cynthia. The Local State: Management of Cities and People. Repr. London: Pluto Press, 1980.

Conference of Socialist Economists. In and against the State: Discussion Notes for Socialists. Edited by Seth Wheeler. New edition. London: Pluto Press, 2021.

Dalla Costa, Mariarosa, and Rafaella Capanna. Family, Welfare, and the State: Between Progressivism and the New Deal. Brooklyn, NY: Common Notions, 2015.

Dalla Costa, Mariarosa, Harry Cleaver, and Camille Barbagallo. Women and the Subversion of the Community: A Mariarosa Dalla Costa Reader. Oakland, CA: PM, Press, 2019.

Dowling, Emma. The Care Crisis: What Caused It and How Can We End It? First edition paperback. London ; New York: Verso, 2021.

Federici, Silvia. Revolution at Point Zero: Housework, Reproduction, and Feminist Struggle. Oakland, Calif: PM Press, 2012.

Glazer, Nona Y. Women’s Paid and Unpaid Labor: The Work Transfer in Health Care and Retailing. Women in the Political Economy. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1993.

Glenn, Evelyn Nakano. Forced to Care: Coercion and Caregiving in America. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2012.

Kim, Mimi E., Cameron Rasmussen, and Durrell M. Washington, eds. Abolition and Social Work: Possibilities, Paradoxes, and the Practice of Community Care. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2024.

Lewis, Sophie. Full Surrogacy Now: Feminism against Family. London: Verso, 2019.

Mies, Maria. Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale: Women in the International Division of Labour. New ed. London: Zed Books, 2001.

Nadasen, Premilla. Care: The Highest Stage of Capitalism. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2024.

O’Brien, M. E. Family Abolition: Capitalism and the Communizing of Care. London ; Las Vegas, NV: Pluto Press, 2023.

Pérez Orozco, Amaia. The Feminist Subversion of the Economy: Contributions for Life against Capital. Translated by Liz Mason-Deese. Brooklyn, NY Philadelphia, PA: Common Notions, 2022.

Piepzna-Samarasinha, Leah Lakshmi. Care Work: Dreaming Disability Justice. Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 2018.

Rai, Shirin. Depletion: The Human Costs of Caring. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2024.

Roberts, Dorothy E. Torn Apart: How the Child Welfare System Destroys Black Families–and How Abolition Can Build a Safer World. First edition. New York: Basic Books, 2022.

Tastrom, Katie. A People’s Guide to Abolition and Disability Justice. Oakland, CA: PM Press, 2024.

The Care Collective, Andreas Chatzidakis, Jamie Hakim, Jo Littler, Catherine Rottenberg, and Lynne Segal, eds. The Care Manifesto: The Politics of Interdependence. London ; New York: Verso Books, 2020.

Wagner, David. Checkerboard Square: Culture and Resistance in a Homeless Community. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993.

Warren, Sasha. Storming Bedlam: Madness, Utopia, and Revolt. Brooklyn: Common Notions, 2024.

Weeks, Kathi. The Problem with Work: Feminism, Marxism, Antiwork Politics, and Postwork Imaginaries. A John Hope Franklin Center Book. Durham, N.C. London: Duke University Press, 2011.Wilson, Elizabeth. Women & the Welfare State. Repr. Social Science Paperbacks 177. London: Tavistock, 1987.

dispatch from the cusp

hi, it’s me, it’s been a minute (again). i just refreshed this website (finally, after years), and plan to update more soon. after a tough few years, im feeling back to writing and publicly sharing my work and thoughts in process. im on the cusp of a whirlwind of my own making. some updates:

i’m excited to be teaching my regular set of courses at HWS and some remote courses for the Evergreen State College again

i’ve joined the Solidarity Research Center for some exciting projects on regional solidarity economies and care work

our workers inquiry on class composition in the café sector is in full swing! stay tuned for more from Workers Inquiry Dot Work

i’m looking forward to the first Rethinking Marxism conference in a while, a small one for AESA and friends at UMass-Amherst in a few weeks. grateful to be on panels to folks i’ve learned a lot from, including one that remembers the work of Drucilla Barker, whom i never met but have learned so much from her work. read Liberating Economics.

i’m grateful to be collaborating on a project about collective care work. in doing so i’ve revisited important books like Evelyn Nakano Glenn’s Forced to Care and Jessica Gordon Nembhard’s Collective Courage

onward to more exciting and nourishing things in the coming months, like Historical Materialism‘s Workers Inquiry stream in London in November, and a trip to Dublin to learn about rad organizations like CATU. then URPE @ ASSAs in San Francisco early January 2025.

Screenshot

keyword: practice

I said I was going to write more. I’m going to write, and to write daily for a bit, to practice. I’m going to post nonsense and garbage and ramblings and things that don’t make sense. Bad attempts at prose and poetry, strange reflections on my being. Not because I want to share exactly, but because the finality of a post is something I need to grapple with. I need to grapple with the practice of practice. 

When I was finishing up my undergraduate studies (that sounds too legit- what I mean by that is scrambling for the appropriate number of credits with the Continuing Education program while also working two other jobs and borrowing a car to get up the University in the afternoon), I had a writing professor who is probably the person who I had the closest academic relationship with at that time. One of the very few professors that I felt I could connect with, and who wanted to listen to me, even read the things I wrote. This relationship was healing and important for me, since I’d been kicked out of college on the first go (and was still angry at the business professor who told me I needed to buy new clothes because I didn’t dress nicely enough…). This professor and I, we had some strange things in common, and I think he felt an affinity for me. He taught the required junior year writing course and a course about literature and economics. Along with the Marxian economics courses I was taking, these courses were the first time I ever enjoyed learning and felt more alive because of it. I felt like I could be myself in those classrooms, even if I was just sitting there taking notes, in between running to my other jobs and checking to make sure I wasn’t getting too many parking tickets. 

That is a long way of saying, this professor knew me quite well, and to get back to the point, he said something very profound to me one day when I was crying in his office (I’d stop by to see him and his elderly pug named Buttons): he told me I wasn’t afraid of failure, like most people, but that I was afraid of success. And even more, I’m afraid of finishing things because they might be okay, even successful, and I have no idea how to deal with that. I’m a bit of an ongoing failure. Failure is a comfortable place for me. The stakes are pretty low, and you can stay hidden, safe, comfortable.  

That said, my comfort with failure matched with my fear of success also means a discomfort with practice. Practice might actually make you good at something or another. You may even get praise for it! Be perceived!

When I was a child, I wanted more than anything in the world to make music. I wanted to play guitar. Since I was about seven or eight years old, I worshiped at the occult alter of Jimmy Page and thought there was nothing cooler in the world than whatever he was doing. I got a guitar, a few in fact. But, I’d never practice. I was terrified to hear myself. Terrified of someone hearing me. Terrified as the possibility of perception. Terrified to actualize. Terrified of practice. 

Anyway, facing my fears. Here to practice, for now. Still not interested in “success” or whatever that means. But I’m here, practicing. Perceive me if you must.

dispatch from the clearing fog

Hello world, it’s me, Anastasia. Is this thing on? Can you hear me? 

It’s been a minute since I’ve been able to compose a thought. The smoke of burnout and a world on fire has made my mind cloudy. Visibility became very low, I had a hard time seeing myself through day to day, and even harder time seeing through my own thoughts. My mind was so loud with the whir of anxiety that I couldn’t hear anything else. I stopped tasting. I felt everything, and nothing at all.

But, it’s time to write again. I’ve been saying I’d write again for months, years. But it just wasn’t possible. My nervous system was stuck. It wasn’t time. 

Now, I’m certainly of the top echelon of lucky people in the world, because just when I thought I was going to slip into an endless void, I was able to take a sabbatical from my work job. I day dreamed about leisurely reading at cafes and wineries, furiously writing at libraries or my campus office, and voraciously researching, but it turned out I just cried for six months. Too many grief monsters, of my own and of the world. 

The smoke cleared slightly, my mind started to quiet, just enough to hear that I am still here. I can’t be the only one going through this. Are you there? Can you hear me? See me? 

I’m back for now so I’ll share what I’m thinking about, working on, reading and watch: 

  1. Got to present some critical thoughts on this idea of “care” at the University of Utah. They have a pretty rad heterodox economics department. 
  2. Trying to work on Decarcerate Rochester
  3. Reading John Berger, Pig Earth now, then the rest of the trilogy, and The Shape of a Pocket. This essay on time too. And watching Ways of Seeing. 
  4. Koyaanisqatsi: Life Out of Balance (1982), Powaqqatsi: Life in Transformation (1988), and Naqoyqatsi: Life as War (2002)
  5. Still working on a book review of Family Abolition for Feminist Economics because I really want economists to read this book.
  6. I have a backlog of writing and thoughts to share: some notes from a trip down south in November, decomposing care, more notes on abolition. I’m just going to start playing with words again here.

Been playing with colors and shapes too lately. Onward to healing.

dispatch from the academic abyss

I can’t be the only academic who has found themselves unmoored since 2020 (feels weird to even call myself an academic, but I digress and here I am). I shifted timelines that year, landing my current academic job (which I’m grateful for), completing my dissertation, and beginning a career in the midst of the pandemic. But that experience of remote teaching, virtual conferences, social isolation,and then later leaving my support networks to live by myself in a tiny upstate liberal arts college town, took a massive toll on my sense of self, my research, and my feelings of connectedness to the world. I’ve yet to find my footing again. I’m in search of my flock.

So I’m back here to try to document what I’m doing, or trying to do, as a way to help me feel more tethered, and to track my brain on its way to healing from this grief and to finding some stable ground. More importantly, engaging in a regular writing process, with the terrifying pressure of making it semi-public facing. I’ve always struggled with keeping up with my work- deadlines, protocols, thoroughness, and completing things-  and with imposter syndrome and feeling inadequate in academic spaces-  especially as someone who came into academia from the other side of the “tofu curtain” without much resources (I’m referring to a set of spatial inequalities only those familiar with Western Massachusetts might understand). I’m always playing catch up. But, I’m here now, and the one thing I do feel confident in are the very earnest questions that I have about the world. The questions, not my ability to find the answers, but here I’ll start to try. 

So what am I doing, and what are those questions? 

After the 2008 crisis, I found myself entering graduate school to study radical economics almost as a fluke. I had failed out and gotten in too much trouble the first time around at college, and was worried about my brain rotting, so I found myself in continuing education classes that year, starting with an introductory economics course and later somehow convincing some professors to allow me to register for their University (not continuing ed) courses on Marx. It was happenstance that I happened to sign up for those classes at a heterodox economics department, or that they were even offered to begin with. At that point  I did not understand academia whatsoever, but I did know that the ideas and the professors I was being introduced to helped explain to me the suffering, struggles, and stresses that overwhelmed the world I grew up in. So I clawed my way through classes, somehow finagled them to count as an undergraduate degree, and by some other stroke of random luck, ended up in the PhD program of that same institution. Anyway, long story short, my entry point to this thing was Marx, and now I feel a certain way about getting to teach my first Marxist Political Economy course this semester. I had students begin with Part 8, and then go back with Part 1 onward. I’m sharing with them notes from both Cleaver and Heinrich so that we can compare those readings with other approaches, and so that I can confront this reading again. Due to burnout, I’m not employing my most energetic or participatory teaching methods, but I am enjoying a seminar format for discussing these ideas with students (especially those who might not otherwise get exposure). 

I spent an amount of my time in graduate school  focusing on learning empirical methods, especially econometrics. A  number of things motivated this: it’s easier in some ways to write this sort of research paper,  data are widely accessible, and it’s certainly one of the more popular research methods in the field. Reliance on econometric testing and “evidence-based” this and that also is a political minefield, used against those marginalized in society. I wanted to try to understand it, and to do my own work. For a while I even wondered if clever econometrics could help sway some arguments towards liberation. I don’t think regressions will free us, but I do think that it helped me to more critically evaluate economics and even heterodox approaches. I think other heterodox economists do a better job at clever econometrics that I ever can. That said, I’ve shifted. I’m working on exploring, while I have the resources to do so, qualitative methods, specifically using structured or semi-structured interviews to answer research questions that I just don’t think can be quantified. How else can I actually learn about the reproduction of capitalist social relations? 

Currently, I’m thinking critically about two terms that the pandemic has made us throw around a lot: “care work” and “social reproduction”. My dissertation, which was mostly some applied econometrics and a tiny dip into theory around understanding the “school-to-prison pipeline”, gave me a glimmer of the issues with these terms, and the overlap that exists between the so-called “care economy” and carceral spaces (schools, hospitals, prisons, and so on). Some of this was shared earlier this year at the URPE @ ASSA 2023 Session on Critical Perspectives on Care Work and Carceral Systems, which included Hannah Archambault (Cal State Fresno), Samantha Sterba (Univ of Redlands), Geert Dhondt (John Jay College) and Eric Seligman (John Jay College), and then again on a panel organized by Sarah Small (Univ of Utah) on Care Work at the Eastern Economics Association 2023 meeting (Hannah, Samantha and I are all working on adjacent and overlapping projects in this arena). I’m trying to understand how this term “care work” came into favor, noting the shift from domestic labor, to women’s work, to household labor, and now caring labor, and how it is at times evoked almost as a panacea. Seems like we may be haunted by the ghosts of the domestic labor debate, and those ghosts might be servants to capital. 

 I’m not sure that we can “care” our way out of capitalism, as the process of this involves its own relations of domination and, I’d argue (maybe, if I can figure out how), produces and reproduces our subjectivities. Care work is still work, and that’s the problem. Similarly the term “social reproduction” appears co-opted (almost) into the mainstream, with limited critical perspectives on what is actually being reproduced (capital and capitalist society, see Munro’s helpful 2019 article on this in Science & Society). I think we should interrogate the labor processes of care work and social reproduction, to understand how these put workers in the contradictory position of either consuming or providing “services we need, in social relations we don’t.”  (In and Against the State). 

Last note, I shared some of the news from Atalnta with my students, not long after watching a documentary on Line 3, finish Part 8 of Capital, reading an excerpt from Carceral Capitalism, and David Gordon’s article on the class aspects of so-called “crime”. Anyway https://stopreevesyoung.com https://stopcop.city https://atlsolidarity.org 

Economics is a Trap: Some Thoughts on the “Economics” of Abolition

A few months ago I was invited to a panel on discussing the prospects of “Abolitionist Economics: Moving Beyond Carceral Capitalism” at the New School for Social Research with Jackie Wang (NSSR), Alyx Goodwin (ACRE), and Jasson Perez (ACRE). I’m always chewing over my thoughts, thinking and then rethinking, but I’ve finally gotten around to posting what I said back in March. It may or may not make sense, I’ll probably keep rethinking all of it, and once my brain works again I’ll post an annotated version with some references and citations. I keep growing saltier and more critical, so I’m sure I’ll critique myself in due time.

Watch the panel here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d4dpvLHyMg4

“Economics is a Trap: Economics of Abolition in a Carceral Capitalist Society”

A thought that runs through my head when I think about the notion of abolitionist economics is: “Economics is a Trap”. A famous economist once said something about how the purpose of studying economics is to avoid being deceived by economists. As a discipline (keyword discipline), the primary function of economics is the bourgeois science of managing capitalism. But the tools used to do so, especially when demystified from their oppressive function, still may offer important insights into mapping the terrain for the struggle for the abolition of policing, prisons, and (state sanctioned and punitive) violence- the abolition of carceral capitalism. But I say economics is a trap, because different frameworks within economics and political economy (as well as its critique) have varying degrees of compatibility with upholding and legitimizing, or potentially rupturing the logics of carceral, racial capitalism. To sub some words from Mariame Kaba, “try everything” and “experiment”. And here we will try and experiment to start building an abolitionist political economy, and as we walk and question, and talk together to avoid those potential traps. 

I have many critiques of the mainstream economics of ‘crime’. From ethical issues of data collection, its role in surveillance, and to the technocratic economism that drives much of the research. While some of these analyses move away from moralizing ideas of criminality, the economics of crime does little to interrogate why criminality is constructed in the first place. There’s limited discussion of criminalization and its relationship to capitalism, work and expropriation, anti-Blackness, patriarchy, settler-colonialism and imperialism. There also limited analysis of the other actors in the economic model of crime: the construct of criminality is not just about the so-called criminal, it is also those who do the policing, those who choose and benefit from the policies and priorities of the carceral apparatus, and who participates in and benefits from its enactment. 

But what if abolition is a lens we can view the economy through, rather than just through functions like growth, incentives, costs, and benefits? I propose that we use abolition as a lens for building a political economy (and its critique) that centers how to actually work towards making these carceral institutions economically obsolete (to borrow words from Angela Davis). This talk of course is at an institution that shares my own approach to economics, which is heterodox political economy, where we can see through the rhetoric and demystify the mainstream, while building a political economy that recognizes carceral systems as a central feature of capitalism, rather than as part of some separate sphere of social issues. So, if we look further into broader approaches to the issue-like those found in Post Keynesian economics, Marxist and post Marxist approaches, and other alternative schools of thought, we can start to map the terrain of an “economics of abolition”, or work to center abolition as a framework (and perhaps this isn’t actually possible within the confines of “economics” or even “political economy”). 

Post Keynesian approaches help us to interrogate the disciplining role of public spending and budgets, and the “surplus population” management approach to understanding incarceration and its relationship to employment. These insights also argue that we both may begin disrupting carceral logics by boldly investing in communities, instead of in policing and prisons, as well how to see connections between sectors like finance and real estate and the carceral apparatus, through gentrification, financialized public finance, fines and fees farming, and debt. These approaches often propose specific potentially disruptive policies: reparations, housing guarantees, debt forgiveness, investment in health and care, public banking, and many others, along with participatory processes. 

But this brings up questions of the state and capitalism. And as we go in developing this abolitionist lens for understanding the economy, Marxist, post Marxist, and other approaches help us to understand how capitalism is always innately carceral by its logic, and that criminality, like our subjectivities of race, gender, class, and other axes, is produced and socially reproduced through this capitalistic organization of society and work. This includes the imposition of work, and the organization of our social relations vis-a-vis capital.  Capitalism compels work, and therefore value, by relying on coercion and domination under threat of violence, especially that which is state sanctioned. From this perspective, it turns out the invisible hand is more like a velvet gloved, iron fist.

These approaches from heterodox political economy (and its critique) can offer us analysis, strategies, ideas and salve for thinking through this project of abolitionist “economics” together, interrogating the role of the state, and for finding potential points of rupture. This can hopefully lead us towards liberation, repair (or at least regeneration), and an economy and society based on meeting people’s needs rather than imposing work, and fostering autonomy and addressing conflict, rather than coercion through punishment and exclusion. There may be some policies to advocate for in the meantime, like expanding “public” goods and services. Or perhaps strategies involving solidarity economy, mutual aid, refusal and other ways that can shine light towards that path to abolition. But as we walk and question our way forward, it won’t be the words or theories of economists that are the condition of possibility, but our collective participation in struggle and mapping of the terrain towards autonomy and liberation as we make our break from carceral racial capitalism, globally. So out of care I emphasize to be mindful of the traps set by economics, but I am hopeful for struggling while we walk and question towards that path to abolition. 

Dissertation Introduction: What Care Homes, Prisons, and Slaughterhouses Have to do with Schools

Sneak peak- here is the introduction to my dissertation: 

This dissertation was completed at an inflection point. The murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Elijiah McClain, Nina Pop, Tony McDade, and too many others sparked protests, and uprisings against police brutality and state violence in the United States and around the globe, asserting: Black Lives Matter. The global coronavirus pandemic and its rising death toll brought the deepest economic recession since the Great Depression, resulting in unprecedented levels of unemployment and economic distress with the most profound effects on Black communities, as well as other communities of color. The pandemic held hostage millions of workers, especially essential workers, in a capitalist system asserting profit rates and the stock market take primacy over human lives. The virus, though indiscriminating in its nature, navigated the built economic landscape to target those made most marginalized and vulnerable by racial capitalism.In its most succinct form, this pandemic became a story about care homes, slaughterhouses, and prisons. The three hotspots for infection and COVID deaths happen to also be three illustrative spaces of a neoliberal form of racial capitalism and settler colonialism built on patriarchy. The country with the highest prison population in the world, highest incarceration rate, and most bloated policing budgets of OECD countries turned even more repressive during the pandemic, subjecting thousands of prisoners to exposure to the deadly virus and enforcing illegal solitary confinement, while those outside the prison walls remained subject to ongoing aggressive and brutal policing. Care homes for the elderly, disabled, and veterans too became spaces of confinement and deadly exposure, with workers in these facilities often devalued and underpaid for the work of care. Slaughterhouses, a vignette of an extractive and environmentally destructive capitalist enterprises already with dangerous working conditions, became petri dishes for the coronavirus, risking their precarious work- forces to life-threatening infection. With school canceled, at least the education system, already under the pressures on ongoing austerity, was spared as viral loci. But the switch to online learning and work left households facing a difficult balance of caregiving, teaching, and left many without adequate resources.

By the close of May 2020, school was either held remotely online or already out for the summer, and the uprisings against police brutality- found in nearly every city and even small towns across the country, and often organized by Black youth especially young Black women- amplified the voices of young students leading marches and organizing their communities. These students are asserting that their schools- already more focused on policing, security equipment, and getting kids in trouble than learning – were not safe for them to begin with even before the pandemic.
A young student from Commerce High School in Springfield Massachusetts asked in reference to a recent case of police brutality in Springfield Public Schools in which a school resource officer assaulted a student in response to swearing: “Why is it that a student copying a paper faces more consequences than an adult pushing a middle schooler to the ground?”
Springfield Protest 3
The answer to her question resembles too why coronavirus outbreaks so acutely struck care homes, slaughterhouses, and prisons: our lives are embedded an economic system of heteropatriarchal racial capitalism, based on exploitation, dispossession, and extraction, often by brute force. With the economy lacking any semblance of a welfare state, undervaluing caring labor and often neglecting care altogether in the form of what Ruth Wilson Gilmore calls organized abandonment, and overinvested in punishment through the carceral state, these systems work to uphold and justify the deep hierarchies of race, gender, class, citizenship, and other axes of oppression (Gilmore 2011). But, even though this deeply unequal and often violent economic system persists, it does face the constraints of solidarity and action among those its exploits and abandons.At a June 2020 protest in Northampton, Massachusetts a young girl spoke in reference to the Civil Rights Movement: “My grandmother was in these protests when she was 15 years old. When I’m her age, I don’t want to be protesting anymore.” I share her desire to see radical change.
The complex history of racial capitalism woven into the fabric of the U.S. leaves
is it that a student, who may assume school as the path towards uphold mobility and rewards for merit, faces more punishment for plagiarizing an assignment than an adult man employed by the state does for assaulting a child in a place of learn- ing? What does it mean that this public school in a deeply segregated city with one of the highest incarceration rates in the state serves predominately Black and Latinx students, was formerly under desegregation orders, and is now policed by a department routinely accused of brutality? What does it mean that this same school district, on the northeastern most edge of the Rust Belt, has been subject to state school takeovers removing the community’s autonomy and control over many of its schools and replacing democratic control with an private executive management organization? What does it mean that this city- Springfield Massachusetts- was a key site of abolitionist community, hosting the likes of Sojourner Truth and John Brown, as well as being home to the early northern movements for universal education?
This dissertation will only begin to answer the student’s question and the subsequent questions outlined, but will describe a theory of racial capitalism, the carceral state, and education that can help us to begin understanding and arriving at an answer. Further, I will examine some the ways in which the nexus of schools and the carceral state encloses to borrow the term from Woods et al. (2017) and Sojoyner (2013, 2016), or limits access to, education from students using both the tools of applied econometrics, alongside interdisciplinary frameworks.
The following outlines my endeavor. First, I outline new political economy ap- proach to understanding the role of education in racial capitalism and the carceral state. I survey contending approaches to understanding education, from neoclassical economics, feminist economics, and orthodox Marxism and describe their limits in understanding the role of the carceral state in schools. Next, I present an interdisciplinary (or to borrow the term from Meiners (2007) antidisciplinary) framework from scholars across diverse fields to show that, beyond just a so-called school-to- prison pipeline, the carceral state in schools works to create educational enclosures perpetuate capitalist exploitation and expropriation, and uphold and even legitimize racial, class and gender hierarchies. This framework works to show that limited educational opportunities are not the result of “poor choice” under a rational model actor assumption, but instead are structurally embedded in a public school system historically designed to uphold a racial capitalist order.
The additional essays will address how this nexus of schooling and the carceral state, through policing, security, and discipline in schools, works to perpetuate and uphold such inequalities in access to education, especially higher education. The second explores how school discipline may “mark” students creating barriers to the process of college applications and admissions. The third essay examines the role of the school environment, including policing, metal detectors, and other security equipment, in shaping student’s expectations of educational attainment. I do not posit that higher education is always the desired outcome or that going to college ameliorates the issues of the carceral state and unequal schooling. In a practical sense, despite rising costs and mounting debt burdens that call into question the economic mobility associated with college-going, a college credential remains an important buffer in today’s labor market and economy. That considered, both of my empirical results are framed as educational and therefore economic enclosures that helps us understand the ways in which inequality under racial capitalism is maintained and manifests, and points towards potential solutions for a more equal and liberatory path for education and the economy.

Recent writings: jumping into the RCT debate, and on reopening schools

Abolition will not be randomized co-written with Casey Buchholz, over on the Developing Economics blog, where we dig into why certain empirical approaches miss the point when it comes to changing the ideology, social relations, and power structures of racial capitalism. “Thus, empirical methods and data collection can be powerful tools for guiding democratic, transformative, and liberationist struggles so long as they do the work of undermining the forms of organized power and authority the movement is interested in dismantling.”

Reopening and rethinking schools: care vs the carceral continuum on the Solidarity US webzine, discussing and interrogating what a “safe” reopening even means when schools are disproportionately staffed with police instead of nurses, counselors, and teachers (written before the protests). Here I give a shoutout to the Chicago Teachers Union for their demands about nurses in every school and to make a point about working conditions for reopening, but one thing I wish I had included is that the movement for police-free schools, restorative and transformative justice practices, and more care instead of cops has truly been led by students and student organizations across the country for many, many years. The VOYCE Project, Philly Student Union, Alliance for Educational Justice, and so many more across cities and districts have been leading the way. I’m mentioning this because there’s some evidence that this point is getting lost as the #PoliceFreeSchools movement is gaining support, which erases the work of Black students and students of color who have been on the ground organizing. I’d love to see a world where students, as well as workers, have a real say in their schools, their learning experience, and so on, and there’s also a lot reckoning to do with the fact that teachers and staff are also responsible for “bias” that ultimately hurts students- an abolitionist approach to rethinking schools (and organizing for police free schools) necessarily has to grapple with this reality.

Beyond the Pipeline: Abolitionist Readings on Schooling in the Carceral State

As the movement on the ground gains momentum and many cities and districts demand #PoliceFreeSchools, I’m seeing a lot interest in trying to understanding the so-called School-to-Prison Pipeline (STPP)- the mainstream term for how schools through the use of discipline, policing, and security practices “pushout” students towards incarceration.

STPP is a concise term for capturing this sort of dynamic, but precisely because it is so concise, it is also too narrow and fails to capture the scope and context of the issue. A better conception is to consider schools as an integral part of the broader carceral state. 

Here’s a list of readings by scholars who helped to show me this:

 

Unequal City: Race, Schools, and Perceptions of Injustice by Carla Shedd

Additional Work by Carla Shedd:

Countering the Carceral Continuum: The Legal of Mass Incarceration

 

First Strike: Educational Enclosures in Black Los Angeles by Damien M. Sojoyner (currently available online through August!)

Additional work by Damien M. Sojoyner:

Black Radicals Make for Bad Citizens: Undoing the Myth of the School to Prison Pipeline

CHAPTER THREE: Changing the Lens: Moving Away from the School to Prison Pipeline

 

Transformative Justice Journal has published essays about schooling through an abolitionist lens

Restorative Justice as a Doubled-Edged Sword: Conflating Restoration of Black Youth with Transformation of Schools by Arash Daneshzadeh and George Sirrakos

 

For the Children? Protecting Innocence in a Carceral State by Erica R. Meiners

Review of Right to Be Hostile: Schools, Prisons, and the Making of Public Enemies by Erica R. Meiners